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10 Reigns That Ended Tragically

3/15/2015

 
To a monarchist the end of a reign is not a solely sad occasion. Far from it. A reign ending is instead the beginning of a new reign and a celebration of all that the previous monarch has done for their country. Going from the distant past into the unknowable future the end of a monarch's reign represents the continuity of life and permanence of the state. However, not all reigns end on such a uplifting note. The following monarchs are my top 10 picks for reigns that ended tragically for themselves, their people, the world, or some combination thereof.
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#10 Constantine XI: 
The Fall of Constantinople

For the last two centuries of its
existence the Byzantine Empire had
been a shadow of its former glory.
Territorial losses had left just the
imperial city and the Peloponnese.
With a vigorous Ottoman Empire
completely surrounding it and the
city relying heavily on foreign
merchants for its defence, the empire
was in dire straights. Still,
Constantinople was a tough nut to
crack even when undermanned. However, in 1451 the 19-year-
old Mehmed II became the Ottoman Sultan. He decided he
wanted to conquer the city perhaps due to brashness of youth,
perhaps wanting to secure his reign with a grand
accomplishment, or perhaps realizing further conquests in
Europe would be difficult with the Byzantines to their rear.
Constantine XI Palaiologos was no fool; he began preparing
his defences.

In the winter of 1452 the siege began. The Byzantines had
7000 soldiers. The Ottomans had 50,000-80,000 soldiers. As
was customary Sultan Mehmed II offered to spare the
Emperor's life and allow him to continue ruling from Mistra if
Constantine XI would surrender the city. He sent the
following refusal: 

"To surrender the city to you is beyond my authority or
anyone else's who lives in it, for all of us, after taking the
mutual decision, shall die out of free will without sparing our
lives."

The Emperor took an active part in the city's defence and
helped keep the necessary unity of his army of Genoese,
Venetian & Greek soldiers.

On May 29th, 1453 the city walls were breached. The
Emperor's last recorded words were: "The city is fallen and I
am still alive." He then threw off the ornaments of imperial
office and led his soldiers in a last charge against the
Ottomans.

The end of Constantine XI's reign is tragic as it was the end of
the last vestige of the ancient world. For nearly a thousand
years Byzantium had been a buffer protecting Europe from
invasion. It is also tragic in that Constantine XI Palaiologos is
generally regarded to have been a capable emperor who made
due with what little resources he had. Sometimes, being a
good ruler is just not enough in the face of impossible odds
and that is perhaps the most tragic thing.

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#9 Birendra Bir Bikram Shah: 
A Family Tragedy

King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah of Nepal
came to the throne in January of 1972.
Described as kind and emotional as a
prince. At his coronation the new king
proposed the idea of Nepal being a 'Zone of
Peace' and the acceptance of peace being
the most important aspect of progress. The
king genuinely wanted the people to experience real
democracy and as such he held the 1980 Referendum which
asked the people to choose between multi-party democracy or
a reformed panchayat system. The referendum was won by
the supporters of the panchayat system. Regardless, the vote
was close and restrictions on political activities were loosened.
In response to the the 1990 People's Movement, which
demanded greater political freedom, King Birendra agreed to
give up absolute power and become a constitutional monarch
rather than fight to retain absolute rule.

It looked like King Birendra would successfully shepherd his
people through the transition to democracy (a transition few republics make successfully) and his dynasty would continue
to preside over the small Himalayan kingdom. However, on
June 1st, 2001 Prince Dipendra killed most of the royal family
and then shot himself.

In the aftermath of the massacre Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah
Dev became king. Unlike King Birendra, King Gyanendra was
not popular. Worst still, he was widely rumoured of being
involved in the murders due to his absence at the time of the
killings. While eye-witnesses confirmed that it was Prince
Dipendra that had done the shooting it is likely the rumour
did its damage. It is probable that the experienced and
popular King Birendra could have better handled the crises
that gripped Nepal in the 2000s. Nepal today is gripped by
the instability following the overthrow of King Gyanendra and
the declaration of a republic. It appears the groundwork for a
peaceful transfer to democracy that King Birendra laid will go
to waste.

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#8 Louis XVI: 
Victim of Republicanism

King Louis XVI succeeded to the
French throne in 1774. He faced a
mounting debt crisis and
unpopularity stemming from his
marriage to Marie Antoinette and a
populous grumbling for tax relief.
Among his initiatives as king was
the Edict of Tolerance which
granted non-Catholics civil and
legal rights in France. Doing so
eased religious tensions and
officially ended religious persecution in his realm. Louis XVI's
efforts to reform the tax system were blocked by the nobles.
Other financial tricks were equally unsuccessful and facing
mounting difficulties Louis XVI decided he had no choice but
to convene the Estates-General in 1789.

Things immediately got out of control. Rather than debating
the kingdom's financial situation the Estates-General debated
over its structure and composition. The Third Estate
eventually separated and formed the National Assembly.

Louis XVI was now stuck in a precarious position. Power had
bled from him to the National Assembly which continued to
become ever more radical. By 1791 he was essentially a
prisoner not even allowed to choose his own clergyman. The
king made the fateful decision to flee with his family.
Unsuccessful, he was hauled back to Paris even more a
prisoner. His attempted flight, vague threats of foreign
invasion, and conspiracy theories connecting the two led to
further radicalization of the National Assembly. On January
21st, 1793 King Louis XVI was beheaded by guillotine as was
Queen Marie Antoinette later that year. Their son, and heir,
Louis-Charles would die in prison at the age of 10.  
 
The murder of King Louis XVI would signal the beginning of a
bloodletting never before seen in France. The tragedy of King
Louis XVI was that of a man who wanted to do good but
simply lacked the ability.

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#7 Liliʻuokalani: 
Overthrown by Businessmen

Liliʻuokalani was born on September
2nd, 1838 to High Chief Caesar Kaluaiku
Kapaʻakea and High Chiefess Analea
Keohokālole. She belonged to the second
dynasty to rule the Kingdom of Hawaii
and succeeded her brother King
Kalākaua in 1891. Even before her reign had begun there were
signs of future trouble. King Kalākaua had been forced to sign
the 'Bayonet Constitution' in 1887 under threat of force. The
constitution had three main effects; it limited the monarch's
prerogatives, it disenfranchised many native Hawaiians, and
it greatly empowered the American and European
businessmen of the 'Missionary Party'. 

Upon becoming Queen, Liliʻuokalani began to receive
petitions from her people to restore their rights. To do so she
sought to replace the Bayonet Constitution. The new
constitution would not end up being drafted as the effort to
replace the Bayonet Constitution provoked a response from
the American and European businessmen and residents of the
islands. On January 14, 1893, a group composed of Americans
and Europeans calling themselves the 'Committee of Safety'
deposed the Queen with assistance from US Marines. They
then sought to be annexed by the United States.

The Government of President Grover Cleveland considered
the act illegal and sought to restore Queen Liliʻuokalani to her
throne. However, an uncooperative Congress and the
Committee of Safety formation of an independent republic
thwarted his efforts. The new republic would be admitted as a
protectorate of the United States.

Despite multiple efforts including lawsuits, personal pleas to
successive American administrations, and a counter-
revolution in 1895 the monarchy was not restored. Under
republican governance the Hawaiian language and other
aspects of Hawaiian culture would be suppressed. Today only
0.1% of the population are native speakers of the Hawaiian
language. The Missionary Party would eventually form the
Hawaiian Republican Party and rule the islands uninterupted
until the 1950s.

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#6 Frederick III:
What Might Have Been

Emperor Frederick III of
Germany is a study in contrasts;
he was brought up in the midst
of Prussian militarism but was
also a committed liberal, the
hopes of many progressives in
the empire rested with him but
is all but forgotten by them
today, and he had all the passion
in the world to fulfill his duty
but none of the time. The last
point is the one that makes
Frederick III's reign tragic.
Frederick succeeded his
father as emperor in 1888. His father had lived to be 90 and
by the time he wore the crown he had already been diagnosed
with cancer of the larynx. He would reign all of 99 days.

Throughout his life Frederick III has espoused liberal views.
He hated war and believed the state should not act against the
wishes of the people. He also greatly admired Britain's
parliamentary system and wished to curb the power of the
chancellor once he was emperor. His views did not make him
popular with his father nor was he popular with Chancellor
Otto von Bismarck after denouncing him at an official
reception in the city of Danzig for restrictions on freedom of
the press.

However, his short reign meant little lasting reform was
possible. One of his few successes was to force Robert von
Puttkamer to resign as Prussian Minister of the Interior after
it was found he had interfered with a Reichstag election.

Chancellor Bismarck had attempted to undermine Frederick
III during his reign. He felt Frederick III's son Wilhelm II
would support him. But, while Wilhelm II had none of his
father's liberal tendencies he too felt the chancellorship had
become too strong and dismissed Bismarck from service. The
slow unraveling of Bismarck's policies would eventually lead
to the ruination of the German Empire and still later the
ruination of Europe.

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#5 Idris I: 
Replaced by a Madman

Like many Arab monarchs Idris I of
Libya arose as a leader in the breakup
of the Ottoman Empire. Idris I spent
much of the inter-war period
advocating for independence for
Libya from Italian rule. By 1922 he
had been recognized as Emir of
Cyrenaica and offered the position of
Emir of Tripolitania. However, a
revolt broke out against Italian authorities in 1928. Idris I was
forced to flee to British-controlled Egypt. He sided with the
British in World War Two and was rewarded afterwards with
the Emirate of Cyrenaica. He was again invited to become
Emir of Tripolitania which he accepted. With the eventual
aquisition of Fezzan he united the three areas of modern
Libya.   

A constitution was adopted in October of 1951. It instituted a
wide range of democratic and civil rights for the Libyan
people. However, the kingdom was poor and local sensitivities
(then as now) had to be taken into account or the risk of civil
strife would be very real. King Idris tried unsuccessfully to
turn the monarchy into a symbol of shared unity.

In 1955 oil was discovered under Libya's barren deserts but
like many other countries in the region the discovery was a
mixed blessing. The oil put the country's finances in order but
it did nothing to grow the middle class. Wealth became
concentrated in the hands of a wealthy few which created
resentment. However, it would not be a popular uprising that
ended the monarchy. The kingdom had its problems but it
was reasonably free. Instead, the end of the monarchy would
result from a plot by some army officers inspired by Gamal
Abdel Nasser of Egypt. Nasser was a proponent of Arab
socialism which blended opposition to imperialism and the
ruling classes with nationalism.

The coup was launched on September 1st, 1969 while the king
was out of the country for medical treatment and was almost
bloodless. The people, especially the youth, initially welcomed
the coup. Perhaps it was this lack of support that convinced
the king not to fight for his throne. It would have been very
easy to tear at the ethnic divisions in the country to try and
regain his power. However, the King had spent much of his
life trying to unite the people and it is not likely he considered
dividing his people in the twilight of his life. Meanwhile a
twelve-member directorate was established in Libya which
replaced the National Assembly. Colonel Gaddafi rose to
prominence within the directorate and suspended the
constitution initiating 40 years of personal, and increasingly
erratic, dictatorship. And when his government was at its end
he would make the choice the old king had refused to make
and initiate a bloody civil war to keep his position.

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#4 Asaf Jah VII: 
Independence Denied

Asaf Jah VII became the Nizam
of Hyderabad in 1911. As the
ruler of the single largest, and
wealthiest, princely state of
British India his domain was a
crown jewel of the British
Empire (somewhat literally
given the state's wealth in
diamond mining). He was
recognized as the world's
richest person during his
lifetime and had ten palaces in
Hyderabad that demonstrated
this wealth. However, he, like his predecessors, was also a
prolific builder of public works projects including hospitals,
irrigation networks, court buildings, assembly houses,
schools, and a university. Asaf Jah VII spent about 10% of the
state's annual revenue on education alone.  

While Asaf Jah VII was a Muslim about 86% of Hyderabad's
population were Hindu. Despite this Hyderabad had managed
to largely avoid the violence that sometimes racked the multi-ethnic empire. The plan to partition India into separate
Muslim and Hindu states created a problem: either option
would likely lead to severe upheaval and possible loss of life.
Asaf Jah VII took the third option and maneuvered to become
an independent state (as allowed for under the partition
plan). Hyderabad had managed to keep a high degree of
independence during the British administration and a return
to independence would not be too difficult to achieve.
However, in the waning years of British rule in India forces
largely beyond the Nizam's control would shatter any chance
of peace.

While the Nizam spent a great deal on public works 40% of its
land was owned by the Muslim minority who had a tendency
to be oppressive towards the peasantry (to be fair the Hindu
landlords were equally oppressive towards the peasants). The
result was a communist insurgency starting in 1946 to bring
about land reform. At about the same time Qasim Razvi,
inspired by the cause of Muslim nationalism, formed his own
independent militia called the Razakars in support of Asaf Jah
VII's opposition to Hyderabad being integrated into India.
The Razakars did not fully support the Nizam's independence
policy and were not opposed to joining Pakistan. The Nizam
did not oppose the militia's creation due to violence that had
been breaking out across India between Muslims and Hindus
ahead of the partition. As communist successes mounted the
two groups came into inevitable conflict. Both sides targeted
civilians but it was the actions of the Razakars that proved
most disastrous for the rule of the Nizam. Their targeting of
Hindu civilians gave Hindu-majority India the pretext for an
invasion. In the worsening situation supporters of the
Razakars came to dominate the government while the Nizam
became, in his own words, "completely helpless". India for its
part decided that it could not allow a potentially hostile
country to remain within the Indian interior.

India launched its invasion (which it termed a 'police action')
on September 13th of 1948. Attacking from all sides with
superior numbers the Indian Army quickly defeated the
Hyderabad Army and the Razakars. The Nizam was forced to
hand his country over to India. During the Razakars' reign of
terror it is estimated that between 3000 to 5000 people were
killed. With the change in fortunes of Hyderabad's Hindus a
campaign of revenge was undertaken. Government estimates
(which were not released until 2013) place the number of
murdered Muslims between 27,000 and 40,000. Other
scholars have suggested figures as high as 200,000. In the
end the bloodletting of Hyderabad would be shared by people
on both sides of the partition line but for just a moment there
was perhaps a chance that Hyderabad could have escaped that
fate.

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#3 Morinaga: 
Loyalty Unrewarded

Also known as Moriyoshi, Prince
Morinaga was the son of Emperor Go-
Daigo of Japan. Born in 1308 his fate
would be decided both by his father's
ambition and his foolishness. His
father, like most emperors of Japan,
was kept powerless by his nominal
servant, the shogun. Emperor Go-
Daigo was not content with this and
launched a number of operations to
restore imperial power (it is hard to
call these coups when it is the
Emperor doing it).

At the age of 18, Emperor Go-Daigo had Prince Morinaga
named the head abbot of the Enryakuji temple on Mount Hiei.
The temple housed a sect of Buddhist warrior monks near the
capital of Kyoto. This was good strategic planning in advance
of any sort of power play.

In 1331 the Emperor failed at his first (open) attempt to take
power. The prince was forced to flee Enryakuji. He met up
with the loyalist General Kusunoki Masashige in Kii province.
Together the two put up a tenacious defence of the fortress of
Akasaka before being forced to withdraw. Masashige went to
defend Chihaya Fortress while Morinaga rallied troops. The
success of both efforts led to the seige of Kamakura in May of
1333 ending the shogunate for a time.

Restored to power, Emperor Go-Daigo wanted to make sure
the country did not revert to military rule again. However, he
underestimated the need to reward the warriors that had
served him. He refused to appoint General Ashikaga Takauji
as shogun and made the mistake of appointing his sons
Morinaga and Norinaga to the position. The position of
shogun had become de facto hereditary and it is possible Go-
Daigo was setting up a situation where the heir to the throne
would occupy the position of shogun until they succeeded to
the imperial throne. While this made sense if one wants to
ensure civilian rule and ensure the emperor had loyal support,
it offended the warrior class to have a civilian in the position.
He also leveled new taxes on the samurai class, further
estranging the emperor from needed supporters. Too late
Emperor Go-Daigo realized his mistake.

Takauji made false charges that Morinaga was planning to
overthrow his father, and forced the Emperor to hand him
over. The warrior class largely did not support the Emperor by
this point and he was unable to protect his son. Prince
Morinaga was taken to a cave near Kamakura. Morinaga's
prestige and commitment to civilian rule made him a
dangerous symbol. With resistance forming among the other
clans against Takauji keeping the prince alive became a
liability. On July 23rd, 1335 Morinaga was executed. He had
done everything right. He had obeyed his fathers wishes,
fought bravely, restored civilian rule, and he still ended up
dying in a dank hole. In a last act of defiance it is said the
prince leaped at the executioner's blade with his mouth, biting
it in half.

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#2 The Yongle Emperor: 
Last Patron of Exploration

Unlike other monarchs on this list an
argument can't really be made that
Zhu Di of China, The Yongle
Emperor, was a good man. He came
to power through armed rebellion,
was notably cruel, and established a
despotic style of government.

That said he also initiated economic,
educational, and military reforms
that benefited the Chinese people. Some have seen his life as
an attempt to gain power, prestige, and glory. Perhaps this is
why he appointed Zheng He as admiral of a great exploration
fleet. This fleet would travel as far as the coast of modern-day
Somolia. There is evidence that Zheng He heard about Europe
during his voyages and some speculation that his voyages may
have taken him even further West.

In August 12th, 1424 The Yongle Emperor died and the
tragedy began. Throughout his reign the Emperor had
supported the street-wise eunuchs over the book-wise
scholars. Both had their faults. The eunuchs were often
capable but also notoriously corrupt. The scholars were well-
educated graduates of the imperial exam system but tended to
be exceedingly reactionary. With the Emperor's death
eunuchs such as Zheng He lost power under his successors.
The great exploration voyages ceased, the navy was neglected,
innovation became frowned upon, and China turned inwards.
What is perhaps most sad is that there is probably very little
the Emperor could have done to stop this development.
Regardless, the end of this reign marked the beginning of
China's long slumber.

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#1 Michael I: 
Victim of Communism

Michael I became King of
Romania on July 20th, 1927 at
the age of 6. The interbellum
period was unsettled for most of
Europe and Romania was no
exception. Coming to the throne
as a child necessitated a regency
which included Prince Nicolae
(his uncle), Patriarch Miron
Cristea, and Chief Justice
Gheorghe Buzdugan. His father
Carol had 'temporarily' renounced his rights to the throne in
1925 but was invited back by politicians dissatisfied with the
regency in 1930. The Romanian Parliament proclaimed him
King Carol II. With the growing popularity of the fascist Iron
Guard, Carol II sought first to create his own personality cult
and finally in 1938 to rule as an absolute monarch to thwart
them. 

In September of 1940 Prime Minister Marshal Ion Antonescu
staged a coup d'état against the king. Antonescu suspended
the Constitution, dissolved the Parliament, and re-installed
the 18-year-old Michael as king. While in theory King Michael
I had control of the army and the right to appoint the prime
minister, in practice he was a figurehead. Prime Minister
Marshal Ion Antonescu was an admirer of Hitler's Germany
and brought Romania into World War II on Hitler's side.   

This lasted until 1944 when King Michael I launched his own
coup against Ion Antonescu. Antonescu's government was
deposed and the king sought to join the Allies. The King paid
a price for success in that to do so he had allied with the
communists. Despite any misgivings he may have had his
advisers convinced him it was the only viable option.
However, it would be March of 1945 before political pressure
(internal and external) forced him to appoint a communist
prime minister. Between August of 1945 and January of 1946,
during what has become known as the "royal strike" the king
refused to give royal assent to laws passed by the communist
government. Under pressure from the Americans, British, and
Soviets he was eventually forced to stop blocking communist
legislation or calling for their government's resignation. 

Early on the morning of December 30th, 1947 the king was
summoned by communist Prime Minister Petru Groza.
Arriving at Elisabeta Palace in Bucharest he found it
surrounded by troops loyal to the communists. Unable to call
in troops loyal to him he was threatened by Groza at
gunpoint. Additionally, Groza stated that unless the king
signed an abdication letter immediately he would be obliged
to kill 1000 students in custody. Faced with no way out and
innocent lives on the line the king relented and went into his
long exile. The monarchy was abolished, a people's republic
declared. It is estimated that somewhere between 10-100
thousand died under the communist regime.  


Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

Supreme Court Will Not Hear Appeal Regarding Canada's Citizenship Oath

2/27/2015

 
The Supreme Court delivered the final blow against an effort by three republicans to strike down Canada's citizenship oath as being unconstitutional. The Supreme Court has decided not to hear an appeal of the ruling delivered by the Ontario Superior Court of Justice. As per tradition the Supreme Court did not give their reasons for denying the application. Below is the summary from the Supreme Court of Canada website:
36120


Michael McAteer, et al. v. Attorney General of Canada

Charter of Rights – Freedom of expression – Freedom of religion – Freedom of conscience – Right to equality – Citizenship – Legislation – Interpretation – Does a statutory requirement that compels a ceremonial oath or pledge have the purpose of “controlling expression” – Does this Court’s Amselem test apply to a freedom of conscience claim and, if so, how – What evidence or rationale does the government need to constitutionally justify its requirement for a ceremonial oath or pledge – Citizenship Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-29, ss. 3(1)(c) and 12(3) – Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem, [2004] 2 S.C.R. 551, 2004 SCC 47.

The three applicants are permanent residents of Canada. Although they wish to become Canadian citizens, they each object to the statutory requirement under the Citizenship Act to take an oath of allegiance to the Queen. Michael McAteer emigrated from Ireland and argues taking the oath would be a betrayal of his republican heritage and impede his activities in support of ending the Canadian monarchy. Simone Topey emigrated from Jamaica and claims that it would violate her religious beliefs as a Rastafarian to make an oath to the person who is the head of Babylon. Dror Bar-Natan emigrated from Israel and argued that it would violate his belief in equality of all persons to swear allegiance to a symbol of inequality where some must bow to others for reasons of ancestry. They seek a declaration that an oath requiring them to bear true allegiance to “Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, Queen of Canada, Her Heirs and Successors” violates their rights under sections 2(a), (b) and 15(1) of the Charter and are not saved by s. 1.

The Ontario Superior Court of Justice dismissed the application, holding: i) there was no violation of sections 2(a) and 15(1) of the Charter; ii) the oath was a form of compelled speech that prima facie violates s. 2(b) Charter rights; and iii) the violation was justified under s. 1 of the Charter. The Court of Appeal for Ontario dismissed the applicants’ appeal but allowed the respondent’s cross-appeal and set aside that part of the lower court judgment holding that the oath violates s. 2(b) of the Charter.

The Supreme Court is right to reject this appeal. The legality
of the oath has already been affirmed. Beginning in 1994
Charles Roach attempted to argue the oath violated sections
2(b), 2(d), and 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms. This latest attempt (starting in 2012) differs only
in the addition of a challenge based on section 2(a) of the
Charter (Freedom of Conscience). It would appear that
appealing to the Charter a piece at a time is not an effective
strategy for republicans. I somehow doubt this is the last
we've seen of particular waste of taxpayers money however.

It should be remembered that the Canadian Citizenship oath
is reciprocal with the Queen's Coronation Oath. The
Citizenship Oath provides that the new citizen "will be faithful
and bear true allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II,

Queen of Canada, Her Heirs and Successors..." and that they will "faithfully observe the laws of Canada and fulfill my
duties as a Canadian citizen." In return Her Majesty
promises in her Coronation Oath "to govern the Peoples of
Canada according to their respective laws and customs." As
long as one side of this arrangement carries out their duties
the other side is obligated to as well. It is an
acknowledgement that the state (personified by the monarch)
cannot act in an arbitrary manner. And that the state and the
citizen are in a direct, mutual relationship. There is a
sublime equality in that I feel.

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

January Odds & Ends

1/30/2015

 
Sometimes I have a topic which really isn't big enough to warrant its own post. Other times there are things I want to add to an article when I'm writing it but I don't have immediate access to them. These are those things.

Kaiser Wilhelm II's Imperial Cypher

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Back in November I wrote an article about two German cannons won by Albert County, New Brunswick. Above is a photo of Wilhelm II's cypher on the barrel of the smaller gun. The bottom portion was either worn off with use or not properly imprinted to begin with. I would have included a picture of the cypher in a different context but various Google searches have not turned up this exact variant. 

Monarchy In Fiction

I read an article recently by Marie Brennan over at Science Fiction & Fantasy Novelists on why fantasy settings seem so dominated by monarchies. An interesting read.

MP Pat Martin's Views

Ever since MP Pat Martin announced he was considering proposing changes to the Canadian Citizenship Oath that would remove the Queen I have been contacting him off-and-on. Two letters I sent were not answered (although in fairness the second did not explicitly ask for a response) but his office assured me he had received them.

I did eventually talk to one of his aids about his views (funny aside: I actually attended the same classes as this aid in university. It's a small country). I was informed that he will not change his views but that he also isn't going to lead the campaign for a Canadian republic. Pat's main problem is that in situations where the interests of Canada and another Commonwealth Realm are in conflict the monarch cannot be solidly on our side. Other issues involved the British colonial legacy.

Queen Victoria

I was quite relieved Kevin Gillespie recently decided to submit an article on Queen Victoria. Previously articles had been done on her father, husband, and one of her daughters. Her absence was starting to become conspicuous. I wanted to add a photo of Queen Victoria's jubilee but after formatting the article I couldn't decide on a good place. I also wanted to add a good photo of the Queen smiling since it goes against the image many people have of her. 
Picture
"Victoria, Our Queen"
Picture
"Her Majesty's Gracious Smile"

Changes On Reddit

Over at /r/monarchism a number of changes have been implemented. For starters it has a more complete list of royal claimants. The flairs have also been adjusted to allow for more variety. The subreddit has had some impressive growth over the last year and is starting to see an increase in activity to go with it. 

Execution of Louis XVI

This January 21st marked the 222 anniversary of the murder of Louis XVI by the First French Republic.

According to Father Edgeworth the King's last words were:
"I die innocent of all the crimes laid to my charge; I Pardon those who have occasioned my death; and I pray to God that the blood you are going to shed may never be visited on France."
Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

Republicans & Curiosity

1/23/2015

 

"There is nothing as deceptive as an obvious fact." ~Sir Arthur Conan Doyle

Over the last few months of using the academic/empirical
evidence I've gathered to confront republicans I've noticed
something rather odd. The republicans I've talked to don't
seem to want to examine the evidence presented. There
appears to be the attitude that the evidence must be wrong
before they even see it. I find this odd as you would think
republicans would be interested in better understanding their
preferred form of government (the studies also have some
interesting things to say in regards to the potential differences
between legislative and presidential republics). I find this
attitude problematic as I hold to Aristotle's maxim that "it is
the mark of an educated mind to be able to entertain a
thought without accepting it." I would like to think that
republicans have come to hold their views after thorough
investigation of all options. But to hold this view raises the
question of why the attitude described above exists at all?

A recent book by Ian Leslie may provide some insight. Titled
"Curiosity: The Desire To Know And Why Our Future
Depends On It" it argues that certain circumstances can
kill off curiosity in people and that curiosity is a skill that
needs to be honed. I argue that the unique features and 
history of republicanism make it a 'curiosity killer'.  
Ian Leslie notes that curiosity can be killed by a lack of knowledge on a particular subject. Knowledge it seems is a starting point for further knowledge. We need to know just enough information to know there is something we don't know. People then naturally seek to close these information gaps. If people have no knowledge of the subject matter there will be little desire to learn more. Citizens of a republic, or even a monarchy where the role of the crown is ignored, can suffer from similar circumstances. Within republics it makes little sense to study monarchy as a system of government in a civics course since their system is not a monarchy. Likewise, within monarchies the view that the monarchy is irrelevant to civics leads to it being pushed aside. As a graduate of the New Brunswick school system I can attest to the lack of instruction on the role of the sovereign in government. 

This leaves universities holding the ball. Here once again curiosity is strangled by a lack of knowledge. As I've noted before there is a lack of academic research on monarchy as a government form. The field has only been around for twenty years (and more realistically the last five). That said a few people do become monarchists in university (I did). These people tend to be from the fields of history or political science since it can be hard to discuss either without some knowledge of monarchy, at least in Canada. Within republics, however, political science has little reason to deal with monarchy which leaves history.

But being an expert in a field is no guarantee a person will be of a curious mind. As Ian Leslie argues we need to be T-shaped people. Not generalists or specialists but both. Deep knowledge of a single subject combined with broad knowledge of all subjects.
Republicanism has yet another advantage in the fight however. Republicanism is very thoroughly conflated with democracy. The Curiosity-Drive Model states that curiosity results from experiences that are novel and complex create a sensation of uncertainty in the brain, a sensation perceived to be unpleasant. Curiosity alleviates this by helping motivate us to find out more. The key word above is 'uncertainty'. So what happens if you are certain that some idea is right/wrong? Would you not be less curious as a result?

By conflating republicanism (which monarchists want to challenge) with democracy (which has a high certainty of being correct) republicans have made republicanism hard to challenge in their minds. Not only this but it makes defending monarchy more difficult as the conflation renders monarchy opposed to democracy even though it is not. Republics can make the situation worse by their habit of glorifying their revolutions. Certainly the stories of brave patriots fighting off evil foes and establishing a republic make for good reading. But they also make discussing ideas that may be counter to the narrative harder to do. If you strongly believe something is wrong or undesirable you are not going to be willing to look at it further in most cases.

Further problems arise when you consider that many consider monarchy irrelevant such as Prof. Kuehnelt-Leddihn who wrote in 1999 that monarchy is “a totally obsolete, even childish, institution”. All of which raises certainty that republicanism is correct and lowers curiosity about monarchy as a competing system. With republicanism as consensus for much of the world more than ever we should beware the obvious fact.
So what does this mean for us monarchists? It may mean we need to refine how we approach debating republicans. There is a divide that needs to be bridged. A start would be getting them to admit that democracy and republicanism are not the same thing. Anyways, I hope I gave you something to think about. Stay curious, my friends.

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

Queen Victoria’s Constitutional Monarchy

1/15/2015

 
By: Kevin Gillespie

Her Majesty Queen Victoria was born in 1819 and was barely 18 years old when she succeeded her uncle, King William IV, to the British Throne. The Victorian era was the name given to her nearly 64 year reign, which lasted from 1837 until 1901. It was the longest reign of any English or British Monarch in history, and it was possibly the greatest period of stability and progress that Britain* had ever known until the 20th
century. During this era, the British Monarchy remained relatively secure in its foundations. This, however, was not the case for much of the rest of the world; republican sentiment was growing and many foreign monarchies were falling. Royalty from 14 different monarchies visited London for Queen Victoria’s Golden Jubilee in 1887, only four of which have survived to the modern day.[1] Britain largely remained a
bastion of pro-monarchical sentiment in a world where the republican debate was becoming more and more prominent. Queen Victoria herself, along with the social, political and economic progress that was allowed to flourish under her Constitutional Monarchy, was an important factor contributing to this phenomenon. If not for her long reign, monarchism in Britain may not have been nearly as strong as it was at her death in 1901, and the 16 Commonwealth Realms in existence today might have had a completely
different history.

The British Monarchy, however, had not always enjoyed such widespread support among its people. It was widely acknowledged among British subjects that, with few
exceptions, Queen Victoria’s predecessors since the reign of Queen Elizabeth had been bad rulers who lacked moral character. The official biographer of Queen Victoria and
King Edward VII, Sir Sidney Lee, even called her three most recent predecessors “an imbecile, a profligate and a buffoon.”[2] In previous two reigns, the House of Hanover had been ripe with sexual, financial and personal scandals, and at Queen Victoria’s accession the popularity of the Monarchy was low and republican sentiment was increasing. As the popular Victorian writer, Charlotte M. Yonge, said of her accession:
Afterwards she went to St. James’s Palace to show herself at the window while
proclamation of her accession was made by the heralds, but there were no great
acclamations, and she was observed to look pale. Loyalty had been a good deal trifled away by the two latter kings, and she had to win it back again.[3]
And win it back again she did. By the end of her reign Queen Victoria had become the most popular Monarch since Queen Elizabeth I, as well as one of the best known people in the world. Frank Hardie writes that “in 1901 it [republicanism] not only ceased to be a faith, but had once again become a heresy.”[4] The following journal entry by Queen Victoria during the Golden Jubilee illustrates the incredible difference 50 years had made in the popular support for the Monarchy:
No one ever, I believe, has met with such an ovation as was given to me, passing through those six miles of streets… the crowds were quite indescribable, and their enthusiasm truly marvellous and deeply touching. The cheering was quite deafening and every face seemed to be filled with real joy… [5]
Queen Victoria’s accession marked the turning point in the perception of the Monarchy among British subjects. Up until that time, the popular assessment of the Royal Family had been one of “general moral squalor,”[6] but from the moment of her accession onwards, a change began to take place in the manner in which royalty was spoken of in Britain. It was Queen Victoria’s conduct, in public and in private life, which
was the main cause of this change.[7] There was, however, an exception to this trend which must be mentioned. In 1861, Queen Victoria’s husband, Prince Albert, died of typhoid fever, and his devastated wife entered a state of mourning in which she wore black for the rest of her life. She also began a long period of self-imposed seclusion in which she continued her official duties, but stayed away from most public appearances. After the Prince Consort’s death, Queen Victoria expressed her strong sense of duty “in an aloof and private performance with no audience to encourage and appreciate,”[8] and this long withdrawal from public life fostered criticism and encouraged the growth of republicanism in Britain.[9] Queen Victoria’s Golden Jubilee, however, almost single-handedly wiped out the republican sentiment which had been allowed to cultivate during her seclusion. Forced to face the world once more, her subjects confirmed their love for their Queen through immense demonstrations of loyalty, and when the Jubilee was over,
she never again reverted to her former isolation.[10] As H. B. Brooks-Baker writes:
Queen Victoria’s subjects were also immensely loyal to her, not only because of their love and admiration for the monarch, but because the mystique of the crown had mesmerised them. When she returned to the Palace after her last Jubilee, she was choked with emotion by the demonstrations of loyalty manifested by her loving subjects. The success of the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee would be remembered for ever. The Queen recognised that the republicanism which was rampant before 1887 had vanished for ever.[11]
In 1897, one of Queen Victoria’s subjects, Charles Bullock, B.D., writes that “Queen Victoria has remained the central, the most prominent, and permanent figure gathering to her, as the years passed, more and more of the loyalty and affection of the people over whom she rules.”[12] This increasing trend of pro-monarchical sentiments from the beginning to the end of Queen Victoria’s reign can largely be attributed to the Queen’s personal character. As was stated above, Queen Victoria was deemed by her subjects to be of a more scrupulous moral fibre than that of her predecessors. While the previous Kings had been considered licentious, deceitful or shifty, [13] Queen Victoria was viewed as their polar opposite. Charlotte M. Yonge praises the Queen in her book, “The Victorian Half Century,” writing:
May we be thankful that through this critical period, when every throne around us has been shaken, and many overthrown, that we should have been blessed with a Sovereign whose personal character commands not only loyalty, but love and reverence, whose heart beats for all that is high and noble, who sympathises with all suffering, guides all wholesome effort, and discourages all that is foul or cruel.[14]
But it was not only her perceived superior moral fibre that produced the admiration in her subjects; it was also the Queen’s extreme sense of duty. An article, written in 1900, and featuring in The Cosmopolitan, expresses this sense of duty nicely, stating that “Her Majesty… has taken a far closer, keener, more continuous interest in the government of her empire than any of her Ministers.”[15] And the Times writes, in 1887, that from the moment of her accession onwards “the Queen has been deeply impressed with the responsibilities of power, and has held her sovereignty to be a sacred trust for the benefit of the peoples under her rule.”[16]

Queen Victoria’s sense of morals and duty were important in the resurgence of the pro-monarchical sentiment that had dissipated under the rule of her predecessors. This personal character, when combined with the incredible length of her reign, helped her to become a living institution representing the glory and superiority of the British Empire. At the time of her accession, public support for the Monarchy was dwindling, but 60 years on, during her Diamond Jubilee, Queen Victoria had become the most significant symbol of Imperial unity in the British Empire.[17] As Herbert Tingsten puts it in his book, “Victoria and the Victorians”:
There were few among the thousands sharing in the rejoicing of 1897 who had not beheld the Queen for the better part of their lives as an enduring symbol of Empire, indeed, most of them had been born during her reign. Other public figures had shone for a while and then vanished, but the Queen lived on, the object from year to year of constant publicity, with the Court Circular and the newspapers announcing daily what she did and whom she received.[18]
It was only natural for Queen Victoria to be associated with her Empire in this way. By the time of her second Jubilee, few people in Britain, or indeed the world, could remember a time in which Queen Victoria had not reigned as Queen, and much of the Empire itself had been acquired after she ascended the throne. Eighteen territories in all, a quarter of the people in the world, and nearly a quarter of the land mass were under her rule. The Jubilee celebrations of 1897 were not merely celebrating the 60th year of Queen Victoria’s reign; they were, in reality, a demonstration of the might and importance of the
British Empire.[19] The Queen’s constant reign had transformed the Monarchy into the living embodiment of the British Empire; it was impossible for the people to take pride in one without the other. As the Times put it, “everybody feels that the Queen is something unique, something extraordinary, something of which all the world envies us the possession; and the multitude exults in possessing it.”[20]

Under Queen Victoria the Monarchy had become a National and Imperial symbol, but the symbolic nature of her reign was not the only reason for the popularity of the Monarchy in Britain. Absolute monarchy had been absent in Britain for many years, but at the time of Queen Victoria’s accession, constitutional monarchy was still in the process of evolving into what it has become today. By the end of her reign, however, it was widely believed by her common subjects, as well as by many politicians, that until Queen Victoria, “no constitutional Monarch [had] shown a more consistent respect for popular liberties or a clearer conception of royal duties.”[21] The Times writes that:
At the very outset, Her Majesty grasped the true idea of her constitutional position, and from that position she has never swerved. Her work has been neither to initiate
movements nor to resist them, but to moderate them. In her relations with her Ministers she has always maintained, and never overstepped, her constitutional rights; and her extraordinary knowledge of precedents—for her memory is as remarkable as her experience is long—has always given her a great advantage in any discussion.[22]
Many of her subjects viewed her like a mother to the people, “ready to do her people’s will when that will has been good,” but restraining them “from committing great follies and mistakes.”[23] Politicians might come and go, but it was the Monarch who remained the permanent guardian of Britain’s constitution.[24] One contemporary writer at the time compared Queen Victoria’s role as Monarch to the role of the editor-in-chief of a newspaper, writing that:
When the staff (as sometimes happens) differ among themselves, she can, and usually does, exercise the casting vote. In the times of political interregnum, while the nation is engaged in changing the temporary staff, she takes the whole control of the paper, and carries it on till her new assistant is appointed. Such an analogy at least enables us to form some idea of the immensely important part which the Queen had played in the government and development of the British Empire since she came to the throne.[25]
In other words, Queen Victoria’s role was believed to be of crucial constitutional importance. If a Prime Minister died or retired, or if no political party possessed an overall majority in the House of Commons, most politicians believed that an individual who was above party politics was required to arrange the consultations that might lead to a workable ministry.[26] Her life-long position as Monarch also gave Queen Victoria incredible insight and experience, giving her the ability to counsel and persuade her Ministers in affairs of state.[27] A letter written to the Queen in 1874 by her Prime
Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, exemplifies the important role that she was believed to play in the government:
Your Majesty has, sometimes, deigned to assist Mr Disraeli with your counsel, and he believes he may presume to say, with respectful candour, that your Majesty cannot but be aware of how highly Mr Disraeli appreciates your Majesty’s judgement and almost unrivalled experience of public life.[28]
It is undoubtedly true that Queen Victoria played a significant role in many of the political decisions of her day. Even if some of her subjects were not entirely happy with her interventions, most of them were willing to maintain the status quo, as no alternative form of government seemed appealing. Obviously there was no going back to the absolute monarchy of the past, and the other alternative, the Republican Movement, was
becoming less attractive every day. A stable constitutional monarchy—and Britain’s government was stable; there had been no constitutional crisis worth mentioning during
the whole of Queen Victoria’s 63 year reign[29]—was considered by many to be superior to a republic. Ever since the establishment of the French First Republic in 1792, France had become the epitome of governmental instability, systematically alternating between republic, empire and monarchy for most of the 19th century. The other large republic of the times was the United States of America, which was engaged in a bloody Civil War between 1861 and 1865. The republics of South America were shown to be even less
stable. Queen Victoria and the Monarchy, on the other hand, lived on as a symbol of Britain’s permanent institutions. Politicians might come and go, but the Queen was the
symbol of the state and its long and glorious history.[30] As Frank Hardie said, “it is now fairly easy to see why this Republican movement came to nothing. At that time the first French Revolution still spread alarm among conservatively minded people in the same
way as the Russian Revolution to-day.”[31]

Under Queen Victoria’s rule, Britain’s Constitutional Monarchy was allowed to evolve and flourish into the political system shared by the Commonwealth Realms today. This stable government helped foster political, economic and social gains that were unrivalled anywhere else in Europe, if not the world. During her long reign there had been progress in almost every field; democratic government had increased, and the standard of living among Queen Victoria’s subjects had risen. Charles Bullock, B.D. mentions some of these reforms in “The Queen’s Resolve”:
Political changes are almost impossible to chronicle. When the Queen came to the throne the first Reform Bill was only five years old. It was thirty years before the borough householder was enfranchised, and the complete enfranchisement of the county householder is now an accomplished fact. The Corn Laws have been abolished, Free Trade has been established, our financial system reorganised, and, greatest and most beneficial change of all, education has been made universal.[32]
Queen Victoria’s reign had been one of unequalled achievements, and her subjects had little reason to be discontent. As Charlotte M. Yonge says, “the Victorian era will be remembered as a period of great progress in all respects. Perhaps no fifty years in the whole history of the world has produced such changes, affecting all classes in their domestic life and prosperity.”[33]

The long reign of Queen Victoria had not only played an integral role in fostering the pro-monarchical attitude of her subjects, but it has helped to preserve the popularity of the future British Monarchy in the 20th century. The Queen’s exceptional character had helped to redeem the reputation of the Royal Family after it had been trifled away by her predecessors, and her long reign had transformed her into the living embodiment of the British Empire. Under Queen Victoria’s rule constitutional monarchy had evolved
into what it has become today, allowing democracy and a higher standard of living to flourish. The Victorian era had been one of tremendous progress, and by the time of Queen Victoria’s death in 1901, there was no republican movement of any significance anywhere in Britain. Queen Victoria’s subjects had learned to love the Monarchy while she reigned, and this did not stop upon her death. Tingsten writes that:
The personal devotion inspired by Queen Victoria in her subjects can be more fully
understood by comparing it with the similar, though less fervently expressed popularity of her successors to the throne. As if some of the Queen’s own popularity had rubbed off on her descendants, those of them who have reigned in the twentieth century have been accorded their own share of loyal admiration and homage at their accessions, coronations and jubilees.[34]
Queen Victoria’s influence has continued to live on long after her death, with all of her successors† enjoying widespread support in Britain, not to mention in many of the Dominions. Even today, the sense of duty and moral character which marked her reign is appreciated, with Tingsten saying that the current Monarch, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, “seemed a sort of reincarnation of her great-grandmother as a young woman and a reminder that the figure of Queen Victoria is still at the heart of the persisting English liking for royalty.”[35] If not for the incredible reign of Queen Victoria, the monarchist cause would not have been in nearly as good a standing as it was at the beginning of the 20th century, nor as it currently is, at the beginning of the 21st century.

We Must go Deeper: An Update on the State of Academic Research on Monarchy

12/4/2014

 
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In my continuing study of monarchy I've started testing the sources I have in actual debate with republicans. The reason for this is two-fold:
-I want to see if republicans have academic research to counter what I have so far.
-I want to see how well the studies I've found so far stand up to scrutiny.

So far republicans have either been unwilling or unable to put up counter research. Putting republicans in the position of having only emotional arguments to fall back on has been rather satisfying. The result of which is why the second objective is important: if you have no evidence of your own your only hope is to attack what evidence there is (ie. mine). The main attack has been that 'correlation does not imply causation'. True enough. For statistical studies this is taken into account by trying to isolate different variables to see which are significant. This charge led me to go over some of the studies I already have. The 2008 study by Christian Bjørnskov & Peter Kurrild‐Klitgaard, Economic Growth & Institutional Reform in Monarchies & Republics, was subjected to this attack. I decided to contact the authors to see what they had to say about this charge (and to see if they knew of any other academic studies):
PictureProf. Bjørnskov, Aarhus University
Christian Bjørnskov: "About your questions, I haven't seen any other studies. But I will be pursuing this topic further in a project with my coauthor Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard and Martin Rode from the University of Navarre. 

On the second question, we got that from the reviewers. That's the reason we're doing the IV estimates in the paper that - so far as is possible - deal with the causality issue. Besides, if we had claimed that monarchies create growth, it would be a plausible argument that growth just allowed monarchy to survive. But since we claim that monarchy only affects growth around major institutional changes, I think it's much more difficult to claim the reverse causality. Anyway, we did what we could to make sure that our estimates are not biased.
"

PictureProf. Kurrild‐Klitgaard
Peter Kurrild‐Klitgaard: "1) We have not done much more work on the topic, but the paper was recently published in JITE and there may be changes therein relative to the working paper version you have seen: Link


2) I understand your point but I am not sure I understand why it should be a particular problem here rather than in other regression studies (and this is in fact a panel study with a large number of observations).  As you can see we have controlled for a very wide variety of other factors (including a very large number of controls suggested by various reviewers), and the results have remained robust.  We may still need to fully understand the precise 'link' but I have no doubt that there is a connection."

The second study that was attacked was the 2006 study by Christian Bjørnskov, Determinants of generalized trust: A cross-country comparison. For this charge I started looking up studies on trust that were larger, more recent, and by different researchers.

The first one I found was a 2012 study called, A Blessing and a Curse? Political Institutions in the Growth and Decay of Generalized Trust: A Cross-National Panel Analysis, 1980–2009 by Blaine G. Robbins. This study has "unbalanced panel data are for 6 time periods with a total of 74 countries and 248 observations". Unlike the previous study this one focuses more on trust over time and shows that while the trust levels in monarchies are rising or stable, other observed groups differed. Most importantly it confirmed the previous work as not being a fluke.
The second study I found was a 2013 study called Trust, Welfare States and Income Equality: What Causes What? by Andreas Bergh and... Christian Bjørnskov (the study of trust being the good professor's primary field). Their study had a "dataset with full information on all main variables includes 104 countries, spanning the globe and all levels of economic and political development". This study also confirmed the conclusions of the previous studies. The study notes that it covers approximately 15 more least developed countries than previous studies and that the results were remarkably similar. This study is also useful for another reason. Its main goal was to see whether welfare states raised trust levels or whether increased trust created welfare states. They found that while high trust levels in a population allowed welfare states to be successfully created, welfare states themselves don't raise trust. So in the event someone says European monarchies have higher trust levels because they have stronger welfare systems you can point to this study to demonstrate the opposite.
There is in fact a few more studies related to this topic that I have, as of yet, been unable to get access to but I'll keep trying. As Christian Bjørnskov noted in his response; he and coauthor Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard will be continuing their research on monarchy with Martin Rode from the University of Navarre. I eagerly await the study's publication. 

As always, the new studies have been added to Useful Links.

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

On a Lighter Note: A Monarchist Meme

11/19/2014

 
I've been browsing Deviantart a bit lately. Always impressed, and sometimes amazed, by the creativity of some people.

The meme below is a creation of Neral. Unforunately it has a bit of truth to it but I found it amusing regardless.
Picture
Remember to promote monarchy away from the computer too.
Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

Crowned Democracy: An Update on the State of Academic Research on Monarchy

11/15/2014

 
Picture
In a previous article I lamented the lack of research on what effects having a monarchy has on a country. Since then I have come across a few more studies outlining advantages monarchies possess. These studies suggest that monarchies tend towards healthier democratic practices. It is of some passing interest that none of these studies set out to prove anything about monarchies. In one case the researcher even seemed surprised at the results.

The first study is Presidents with Prime Ministers: Do Direct Elections Matter? From the title you can probably tell that the author did not set out to study constitutional monarchies. In fact they are dealt with after the fact in a footnote. The end conclusion is that presidential republics suffer more voter fatigue and a drop in votes for legislative elections of about 5-7% than either constitutional monarchies or legislative republics. (UPDATE: While the original post uses 'presidential' and 'legislative' descriptors it should in fact be 'directly-elected' and 'indirectly-elected' respectively. While most legislative republics use indirect election via a legislature, some do not.)

This is a serious issue for republicans. The current prevailing model put forward by (Canadian) republicans is that we could become a republic simply by making the Governor General an elected position. However, as the above study demonstrates, this would be harmful to our democracy (which may already suffer from some voter fatigue due to federalism). To support this option puts republicans in the uncomfortable position of advocating making our democracy worse, not better. So how about election by Parliament? This has its own problems. Politicians are likely to never support such a model until the Senate issue is settled and we have proportional representation. Going ahead without reforming these two things would put the governing party in a dictatorial position of having unlimited control of all three parts of Parliament. A second issue concerns whether Canadians would support such a 'politician's republic'. Indeed, it was the Australians preference for a presidential republic (in contrast to their leaders) that helped save their monarchy.
The second study is Constitutional Power and Competing Risks: Monarchs, Presidents, Prime Ministers, and the Termination of East and West European Cabinets. The study points out that while monarchs often possess powers comparable to those of strong presidential systems they behave more like presidents of legislative republics. However, there still turned out to be a difference:
Picture
Via the Washington Post
As the chart shows, constitutional monarchy was the only government form where early elections were the preferred method  discretionary government replacement. Both legislative and presidential republics have a strong preference for choosing a new government from Parliament without resorting to an election. Therefore, if you consider consulting the people more often to be more democratic you must also conclude that constitutional monarchies have a leg up in this area.
The third study is Determinants of generalized trust: A cross-country comparison. This study doesn't deal with democracy directly but with how much people in a country trust each other and why (trust being an important factor in many economic and social considerations). According to this study there are only a limited number of factors that appear to increase trust among the populous. Both greater equality of wealth and having a monarchy were found to increase trust levels. And since it is possible (despite what republicans like to claim) to be both a monarchy and highly equal it makes sense that the three Scandinavian monarchies are at the top of the trust index (and most other indexes).
Notably, being a democracy didn't increase how much people trusted each other. That is not to say its not important. Trust is thought to build political institutions, of which democracy is one. So anything that increases trust strengthens a countries democracy since the people have the firm belief their fellow citizens aren't out to screw them.
This study dovetails nicely with the previous study I looked at. One of the theories it suggested was that monarchies actually liberalized earlier than republics. Taken together it is reasonable to suggest that if a country is going to become a democracy doing so as a monarchy will be less painful overall.
It is becoming increasingly clear as I research that keeping Canada's monarchy safe from republicans isn't just about protecting our traditions, it is about preserving the quality of our democracy.
As always, the new studies have been added to Useful Links.

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

The Academic Study of Monarchy

9/23/2014

 
Monarchy is humanity's oldest and most prevalent form of government. Despite this the academic study of monarchy as a form of government is surprisingly weak. While the philosophical study of monarchy has its noted thinkers you would be hard-pressed to find a scholar who has delved into the data to determine what effect, if any, monarchy has on a country in a practical rather than theoretical way.
The reason for this I believe is two-fold: Accounting for the myriad of competing factors (culture, history, government policy, religion, etc) needed to form a conclusion about monarchy itself and, until recently, an inability to access the data needed to form conclusions. The development of the internet and the explosion in country development indexes is making both problems, if not easy to deal with, at least manageable. It must be remembered that republicanism gained predominance in the aftermath of the First Wold War. You and I have access to far more accurate information than people of that era could ever hope to have.
Its not like there is a complete dearth of research on the institution of monarchy but you really need to search. Christian Bjørnskov & Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard of the Department of Political Science at Aarhus University produced a working paper in 2008 titled Economic Growth and Institutional Reform in Modern Monarchies and Republics: A Historical Cross-Country Perspective 1820-2000. Its primary argument was that while monarchies and republics handled small reforms equally well large reforms produced a 'valley of tears' in republics where economic growth decreased while monarchies actually experienced slightly increased economic growth.
This is the kind of thing that inevitably helps us monarchists. While historical, emotional, theoretical, and cultural arguments are valid they can only take us so far. I firmly believe that it is hard data on what having a monarch does for a country that is needed to confront republicans. Remember what I wrote earlier: many republics were formed before the tools were in place to critique their performance. Another way of putting it is they have gotten a free ride for far too long. Its not like the data isn't already interesting before you even get into it seriously but it can be very hard to interpret.
For starters, take a look at any number of development indexes and you will find that monarchies invariably occupy between 5-7 of the top spots and have a distinct absence from the bottom rankings. Now this by itself is not as useful as you'd think. Instability tends to favour the formation of republics and lower development across the board so a chronically unstable state would both be at the bottom of an index and likely be a republic. By the same token it is difficult to say whether stable monarchies are stable because they are monarchies or monarchies because they are stable. However, it is an interesting phenomenon which might have underlying causes connected to monarchism, if only people would look.
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Finland: An anomaly to be explained
For university students this all presents an interesting opportunity. As university students they will be asked to research a wide range of topics. Many of these fields of study are very old and have long had the 'low-hanging fruit' discovered by others. As a result many arguments are retreads of earlier research. However, since the study of monarchy seems to be in its infancy there is a real chance to contribute meaningfully to our understanding of this government form. 

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour

Abuse of Terms: "Monarchy is Archaic/anachronistic"

6/29/2014

 
Picturexkcd: Duty Calls
It is often a mistake to debate anyone too seriously over the internet. In a situation where you can't be sure how serious they are being and where your opponent can circle around and use a point you dealt with 30 posts ago it consumes too much time to be healthy. That said, there is one particular 'argument' used by republicans that shows up far too often and ought not to.

So. In part one of what was going to be a four part series of articles until I decided to be lazy and just do one I will look at two terms that are so heavily abused by republicans it may constitute an attack on the very act of communication. Anyone who has seen the posts of the average republican on the internet will have heard this argument; "The monarchy is archaic/anachronistic and we should therefore ditch it".
'Archaic' and 'anachronism' are not words you hear everyday so it may be helpful will to brush up on their meanings.

Archaic

1.A marked by the characteristics of an earlier period; antiquated: an archaic manner; an archaic notion.
2.A (of a linguistic form) commonly used in an earlier time but rare in present-day usage except to suggest the older time, as in religious rituals or historical novels. Examples: thou; wast; methinks; forsooth.
3.A forming the earliest stage; prior to full development: the archaic period of psychoanalytic research.
4.A (often initial capital letter) pertaining to or designating the style of the fine arts, especially painting and sculpture, developed in Greece from the middle 7th to the early 5th century b.c., chiefly characterized by an increased emphasis on the human figure in action, naturalistic proportions and anatomical structure, simplicity of volumes, forms, or design, and the evolution of a definitive style for the narrative treatment of subject matter.
5.A primitive; ancient; old: an archaic form of animal life.(Dictionary.com)
Anachronism

1.B the representation of an event, person, or thing in a historical context in which it could not have occurred or existed
2.B a person or thing that belongs or seems to belong to another time: she regards the Church as an anachronism 
(Dictionary.com) 
Right off the bat definitions 2.A and 1.B have no relevance to this debate. The terms of monarchy, and monarchy itself are common in society and culture. The biggest, positive, events to capture the world's attention in recent years have been the marriage of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and the birth of Prince George. 4.A refers to an art period and is even less relevant.

1.A and 5.A when applied to monarchy have the difficulty of also encapsulating democracy, citizenship, and republicanism as well. All four terms have an ancient pedigree and can be labelled as having "the characteristics of an earlier period". Let's not forget that when barbarians were pouring into the Roman Empire they had at their head elected chieftains. These four terms could each be labelled archaic with good justification.
3.A has a fairly obvious issue when applied to monarchy: it ignores that the conceptions of monarchy have changed over time. The medieval conception of monarchy would be quite alien to Alexander the Great just as the modern conception of monarchy would be alien to a medieval monarch. And this is before we even start discussing different conceptions of monarchy between East and West! 

A more subtle issue with definition 3.A is that it presumes that monarchy is some stepping stone to republic. This line of thinking has some philosophical basis as many philosophers have ordered government types into 'better' or 'worse' categories and even proposed a natural transition between them. But if this is the route republicans want to go they will have to acknowledge that many of the very philosophers they could quote might also be labelled archaic (when they aren't labelling monarchy the best form of government!). It further implies that a republic is the ultimate stage of government; an arrogant claim if ever there was one.
2.B is a bit firmer ground for republicans to stand on. It is completely subjective, of course, but it at least lets them make an argument. But subjective arguments are about as useful as a cat, at noon, in the summer: not going anywheres fast. A republican that wants to go this route can simply be told that the Canadian Monarchy is a 'modern institution' and you'd be on even ground.

Ultimately these terms are used because the speaker or writer feels they stand on their own as an argument. These terms sound bad and they hope that is enough. If something is old of course you get rid of it? Its the modern way. That old tie? Garbage! That iPod? Time to upgrade! It is a consumerist mindset applied to government. That this type republican tend to disregard whether monarchy works or not (seriously, they rarely consider it) puts them in a category of people who want change for the sake of change. Because change is 'good'. But simply saying something is 'good' or 'bad' is not an argument, its an opinion. And dressing the word 'bad' in whatever fancy negative-sounding term you dig out of the dictionary doesn't make it a better argument.

There are republicans that can make coherent arguments in support of their position. But if the they start off with "The monarchy is archaic/anachronistic and we should therefore ditch it" you are not dealing with that kind of republican. You are dealing with a republican who has an emotional dislike of the monarchy.

Loyally Yours,
A Kisaragi Colour
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